The following text is part of a series of articles that Said Hajji published in several Middle Eastern press agencies. January 3, 1933

Ahmed Bennani wrote this essay anonymously to address two piques he had with his friends and hosts, Said and his eldest brother, Abderrahman.. First he wanted to exact a sweet revenge upon the eldest, a poet and a fervent admirer of many Middle Eastern traditional poets especially those who addressed Arabic writing from a linguistic angle with regards to grammar and syntax. In this essay Ahmed refers to Abderrahman as the literary man and poet from Sale as well as Abou Zayd aka, Mohamed Ben Yazid, an extraordinary linguist from Yemen's Azd region born in 210 AH. His main peeve with Abderrahman was his fastidious linguistic nitpicking during the Board reviews. In his words "His lectures and corrections have prevented him from pursuing his poetic compositions. Under these circumstances I found the appropriate opportunity to get back at him for the misery he made us endure with his brash, scrupulous and exacting corrections.....and so I pretended in this essay that his guardian angel had left him, and wanted to help find it so he can go back to his poetry!" Secondly, Ahmed felt a need to defend the Moroccan youth whom Said had labelled as "heedless" and refute as baseless his arguments. After all he fit all the criteria Said laid out with irony for the "so-called developed youth" because he had benefited from both Arabic and French schooling. In this satirical essay he includes his rebuttal and latter expounds on it in his final volley, "Who is this Heedless Youth?"

1

From the time governmental authority was established in Morocco, it has preserved its sovereignty and independence (over the centuries), a fact rare in neighboring countries. Over the past 1200 years our civilization has witnessed a process of evolution that has been fractious. There has been much rivalry in the literary and scientific fields as well as with regards to military (power) between the Moroccan state on one hand and the Moorish Andalusian state, Egypt, and Asia Minor on the other.

Even though the Ottoman Empire had conquered a major portion of the Islamic world, it was not able to extend its domination to our nation. Morocco was regarded as the most powerful state on the southwestern shore of the Mediterraneans after it triumphed against armies that had (previously) inflicted defeat on neighboring countries. Thus Morocco was able to preserve its youthfulness and vigor until the beginning of the 17th century when it beheld the emergence of Western civilization and its worldwide influence.

Since that era, our nation went through phases of weakness with intermittent periods of regained vitality as it adapted to the rhythm of its evolution and to the prevailing circumstances. When sudden changes occurred these were generally not due to violence that would have incited the populace to defend against some imposed threat. Instead they (typically) arose simply from the goodwill of royalty or its government. And so we (often) chose the path of weakness and inertia. We were too lazy to renew our strengths despite favorable conditions to do so.

Ultimately the Algeciras Conference (in 1906) sealed our fate, opening the way for foreigners to intervene in our internal affairs in a direct and effective manner. The country went through a period of insecurity for reasons too many to expose here. However the most important ones without doubt were the frequent contrived foreign plots to foment trouble so as to profit from the resulting consequences. In 1912, France imposed a protectorate status on Morocco putting an end to hundreds of years of independence and sovereignty.

2

This is not the place to comment on the circumstances surrounding the signing of the protectorate treaty nor to reveal how the Moroccan king was besieged in his palace in Fez by the French army. However what appears to me to be worthy of note are the hands working in the dark shadows that were pulling all the strings.

There were groups scurrying behind various interests. Certain persons were fooled and began to collaborate with the foreigners by revolting against the established authority (even) before the protectorate was initiated. Another group of nationals understood the aims behind all the ongoing maneuvers and fought against them with all means that were at their disposal. However their efforts (in the final analysis) did not end up with the results they expected.

In fact what interests us here is the patriotic spirit that sparked a fraction of this country's population and prompted them to battle against foreign occupation and to raise awareness of our national identity. Their actions were nearly crowned with success. If this spirit could have been (successfully) framed by the likes of the eminent Abdelkrim (El Khattabi), our fate would have been sealed differently.

Circumstances were such that they served as auxiliary assistants to the colonialist effort and enabled a rapid occupation of the country. So much so that a representative of the occupation forces who had declared that the French imagined Morocco's "pacification" would take thirty years was belied by the fact that it was accomplished in three days.

This can be explained by the fact that the French had spies everywhere who informed them about the challenges Moroccans were facing. They also provided them with detailed information on the patriotic fervor and will to resist which was energized each time Morccans had to confront the armed forces of the colonial power.

The new masters were in their spies' debt for (enabling) the circumstances that helped them successfully achieve their undertakings. In addition a certain number of unscrupulous nationals who facilitated their penetration into the country were later very well rewarded by the colonial administration.

3

The nationalist group continued to resist the foreign occupier but the latter rapidly overcame this resistance by resorting to several tactics. Those whose patriotic faith was shaky were given payment for services rendered and profitable employment. In contrast those who were firm believers of patriotic principles were pursued and severely punished.

Then we witnessed the appointment of a man to head the protectorate administration for whom France is indebted for reinforcing its presence in Morocco. This is none other than Maréchal Lyautey, a well-informed politician if there ever was one, who quickly grasped that those who resisted the colonial invasion had no personal interest to defend. In order to provide some comfort to the people who had just lost their independence and were subjected to a foreign authority, he adopted a policy of friendship and ruse in which he excelled. Even Moroccans admitted and recognized that he had fulfilled his mission to perfection with great tact and intelligence.

4

Shortly thereafter, the world war (WW I) broke out, forcing France to pull out its troops from our country. Moroccans could finally breathe again and began to foresee deliverance from the ill that had befallen them, so convinced were they that victory would go to their ally, Germany, which had supported their independence. They were very much interested in the war, following its events and adventures never doubting for one moment the defeat of the foreign occupier who had imposed the protectorate treaty on Morocco.

Despite all of Maréchal's ruse and ingenuity organizing Moroccan festivities and his uncommon cleverness that allowed him to reach his aims, he was unsuccessful in drawing one Moroccan to his side. Meanwhile the Germans moved into the cities and started taking over. The French authorities celebrated their so-called march into Berlin while the French government moved (south) to Bordeaux. They spouted out speeches by Lyautey to the Moroccan people promising they will be victorious in combat and the liberation of France with its dignity regained.

And so that is how time went by in our country during the war and its 'good old days.' We were never convinced by Lyautey's glimmering speeches. We received his speeches like a distraction while waiting for the arrival of "Haj William" (Venerable Kaiser William II). The nationalists thought the moment was right to take advantage of the war. However the colonial authorities near the end of all their attempts (to woo Moroccans) put an end to their agitations when they understood the seriousness of the situation.

5

At the end of the war, no Moroccan believed (initially) that Germany was defeated. They had no faith in the communiques that were broadcast about the Allies' victory. Only a rare few were informed about the progress of military operations that led to Germany's defeat and France's victory.

Moroccans expected France would uphold the promises made by Lyautey during the war to recognize the political and social rights they had demanded. However they soon realized that the Maréchal's declarations were empty promises to mislead them and make them lose any opportunity to fulfill their aspiration for independence and dignity. They were outraged and felt deep anger at the occupiers who, rather than wait a couple of years (to let matters settle) after the war's end, began implementing their plan whose agenda had already been laid out.

Taxation was aggravated by raising existing taxes and the introduction of new taxes more exorbitant than any prior ones. These were not applied at once uniformly across the Moroccan cities. They were first implemented in Rabat, the capital, where several delegations of taxpayers gathered in the huge Mechouar (Palace Square) adjacent to the Royal Palace and raised very loud protests.

The government authority took immediate actions to try to control the anger. It tried to appear to be dealing with the question that caused this popular uprising. However the protest movement did not cease and (subsequently) the movement leaders ended up being sent into exile. This was the first clash between the nationalists and the repressive apparatus of the (protectorate) state.

Then came the Kemalist war which was was turning in favor of the Turks in their confrontation with the Greeks. Moroccans took up the cause for Mustapha Kemal and even volunteered to fight alongside him. However the (protectorate) ruling body was opposed to their fervor. Even though throughout this war they had been promised 'heaven and earth' in speeches by leaders of the protectorate administration, they were (ultimately) disillusioned by the biased French.

6

In the aftermath of the war, one heard only protests and complaints everywhere across the land, denouncing the introduction of French policy changes that henceforth aimed to intimidate Moroccans by threats and the terror of the possible use of the armed forces (against them). This policy did not fail to have a certain impact on obsequious and simple minded souls. However, in contrast, it fanned further the flames of patriotic fervor within the nationalists.

The cowardice demonstrated by a fraction of the population who submitted to the French authority began to seep into certain parts of Moroccan society that heretofore had not let themselves be intimidated by the repressive policies. Consequently Moroccan leaders of the National Movement took to the front lines to stop the flow of this infiltration which had won over a fraction of public opinion. Aware of this oppressive and suffocating climate, they decided to (counter it and) pursue the struggle for the liberation of the country.

We reveal no secrets by stating that the two groups were moved by the same patriotic feelings. Those who had accepted submission to the authority of the protectorate power did not fail in their duty for solidarity with the movement engaged in the struggle. History will be charged with documenting the contributions to the unyielding patriots engaged in the struggle by the group whose public opinion was apparently subservient to the authority of the occupier.

Each act of resistance to colonial authority had repercussions across the entire nation. Moroccans flocked to hear the (latest) news which they followed attentively and with fervor. And then, a well known figure rose up to the forefront of the battle, someone Moroccans had long been waiting for.

7

The war of independence of the Rif had two impacts on our minds; first with respect to its importance and secondly because of its intensity. This was particularly clear after a comparison of the state of Morocco before and after the Rif war. The country was on the verge of capitulating in the face of the foreign occupation but this war lit again the patriotic flame and brought the Moroccans to the realization that, no matter the power of the enemy with their army, their sophisticated armaments, and the fleet at their disposal, they can never win against people's with faith in the struggle for their legitimate rights. While the Rif war did not end with the expected victory, the Moroccan soul found within the necessary elan to be able to write in the annals of history that a profound mutation had occurred in the patriotic spirit of the nation,

The events in the Rif were followed very closely which is only natural. But what was even much less so, was that there was no general uprising across the (rest of the) nation against the occupation forces. We sought in vain to understand the secret of this passiveness. We were convinced that our national history was exempt from such a dishonorable disgrace. Instead our society was culpable for not taking the opportunity brought about by this patriotic war to deliver a decisive blow to the tyranny of foreign domination. During the horrible days of war, to what purpose did Moroccans limit themselves to sighs when learning that our fighters had the upper hand of the enemy forces and to make this a daily topic of discussion and an entitlement of pride? The national duty would have required taking up arms. What unspeakable disarray led to letting this opportunity that was offered to us slip by? But alas, one would have reason to force us to say, "our national history repeats itself."

8

The role of armed combat ended with the cessation of hostilities in the Rif mountains. It was succeeded by political combat with the objective to awaken the patriotic fiber in all social classes and to be a source of light to brighten the path (away) from the unfortunate circumstances underwent by the nation. The French, aware of the resolve of the Moroccans and attachment to their country, began to quickly assess ways to counter the turbulent and rebellious spirit inherited from the Rif war. They, along with the Resident General Steeg, reached the conclusion that the most simple means to counteract rebellion was to spread terror and repression across the land by resorting to the use of the armed forces.

However this policy did not reach the results that the colonial power expected. On the contrary, it reinforced the determination of Moroccans and fanned the hatred they harbored against the colonialists. The latter tried to go further in their policy of assimilation and so studies were conducted along these lines resulting in what was conveniently called "the Berber Policy." These studies were not worthy of consideration in the twentieth century. Nevertheless they were initiated a long time ago and their implementation plans were poorly conceived.

The chasm only grew deeper between the Moroccan population and the colonial authorities. Protests swept throughout the society due to the tyranny of the occupier and the liberties they took at the expense of the nationals. Everyone resented this policy which (ultimately) left no choice but permanent confrontation with the enemy and the organization of an explosive uprising. Grievances presented to the government remained unanswered. The protectorate administration opposed, as it had always done to show its oppressive power, any attempt to improve the lot of the people.

This experience shows that the West will persist in repressive policies as long as they observe an apparent submission of the population to colonial rule. It puts pressure on public and private liberties and exerts an abominable oppression on the agrarian folk. It encourages injustice in order to suppress all feelings and proceeds to divide the country by distancing it from the Arab and Islamic world by sorting out those for proselytizing under the tricolor flag.

9

This (policy) is incompatible with nationalist aspiration. No individual with dignity can tolerate it. Who among Moroccans does not feel deep within that irresistible aspiration for dignity? Without it, the colonial power would have no difficulty in assimilating him into their ranks. Watch out, Moroccan nation. Be wary of such actions. They are the worst that can befall you. Rid yourself of the dust gathering silence so that French become aware of your existence.

The Berber Policy is the primary cause of the rebellion movement which we observe today across the nation. It had lifted the veil on the true intentions of the occupier who until then was only speculating about it theoretically. It never crossed our minds that such theoretical ideas would be seriously put into practice. Ideas that were confined to the simple reflections of colonial theoreticians. Nor did we think that the French would spare no embarrassment nor scruple to reach their ends other than resorting to methods that would seriously damage their reputation around the world.

Moroccans have proven that they wholly reject the Berber Policy despite all efforts taken by the occupier to get them to accept its principles. They felt a vivid indignation which was not one from (just) a majority but one that expressed the angry feelings of all. The question remains whether the colonial authority will acknowledge the mistake it has made and step backwards in the face of the waves of indignation and outcries of protest drawn by the Berber Policy. We don't think so.

We should not delude ourselves by thinking that those in charge of the protectorate administration will be dissuaded from this notion that shows up like a leitmotif in all their speeches and writings. It took a long time to be fermented and studied from all angles. The only fact is that Moroccans have rejected and fought against it.

The uncontested truth is that the colonial authorities will not back down from their decision unless they see a total awakening of an unyielding interest by the people backed up by waves of protest and a strong resistance across the land each time it tried to put into practice any term of the Berber Policy.

10

The guidelines for our patriotic zeal which we intend to defend with all our might are the preservation of our national identity and the unity of a state that enjoys its sacred rights and is reconciled with its flourishing history. Each Moroccan endowed even with a modicum of pride understands the importance of the responsibility resting on his shoulders. He is ready for all sacrifices needed to recover the sovereignty of his nation and to reconquer its liberty.

One look at a page of our glorious national history enlightens us on what we must undertake in terms of actions to engage in the struggle ahead. This look is for each person on his own to make in order to open wide the door for hope and show the pessimist the blooming future of our nation mandated to realize its dream of independence. Moreover, one glance on the evolution of the spirit of patriotism by our nationalists for the past two or three years informs us that Moroccans have a natural predisposition to not avoid the national struggle. It shows that our people have endured enough of what they have been subjected to. Only they can assist the activists and patriots who are sacrificing for the national cause.

Let us move forward with Allah's blessing.